Warning: this article contains images which some may find disturbing. Cranmer makes absolutely no apology for publishing in all its ugliness the barbaric and depraved depths to which the United Kingdom has sunk. May the Lord have mercy.
Throughout Scripture, the number 40 is replete with significance. Jesus was in the desert for 40 days, and the Israelites wandered in the desert for 40 years. Today is the 40th anniversary of Abortion Bill, and it marks 40 years of Britain’s aimless wandering in a moral wilderness.
Cranmer would not like to speculate how many millions of babies have since been sacrificed on the modern altar of Molech (Lev 20:5; Jer 32:35), but he is content that those who were originally responsible for the Bill, those who have since condoned it, and all who have taken the decision to terminate a healthy pregnancy, will one day be answerable to God. And the cries of the unborn infants will then reverberate throughout the heavens, and perfect justice will be done.
So common now is the practice of abortion that the debate has largely ceased being about legalisation (pro-choice) versus prohibition (pro-life). Even the Roman Catholic Church
in the UK has changed its previously absolutist position, with Cardinal Cormac Murphy-O’Connor and Cardinal Keith O’Brien calling for ‘achievable change in the law in the light of advances in medical developments, even if Parliament will not abolish the law’.
All that remains to decide therefore, ‘in the light of medical advances’, is precisely a ‘foetus’ becomes ‘viable’; at what stage of development does the ‘foetus’ become a ‘baby’? Is this at 24 weeks, 22 weeks, 20 weeks, or less? We could get lost in the man-made minutiae of what constitutes a zygote, an embryo, or a foetus, but to God they are all babies (Jer 1:5; Ps 139:13), and their life is sacred.
Dawn Primarolo MP, the Public Health minister, is of the opinion that the upper time limit for abortion should remain at 24 weeks because she sees ‘no scientific evidence to support a change in the law’. Is she a scientist? What qualifies her to make this assertion? Who is advising her? How impartial are they? And do they have any interests in maintaining the present limit? The fact is that as many as 42 per cent of children born at just 23 weeks survive at some top specialist centres. And recently-acquired images show the ‘foetus’ apparently crying or smiling at only 12 weeks. There remains an instinctive recognition of humanity in the ‘foetus’ even at very early stages. These facts must at the very least constitute ‘new scientific evidence’ which should cause MPs to think again about whether abortion should be barred after 20, 18 or 16 weeks’ gestation, and even lower.
The Archbishop of Canterbury
, Dr Rowan Williams, has made his thoughts on the matter perfectly clear. Or rather, relatively clear - for him. He is of the mind that the ‘spirit’ of the Act is in danger of being lost. Observing that 200,000 abortions were performed last year in England and Wales, and that a colossal third of pregnancies in Europe end in abortion, he notes the ‘shift away from using abortion as a last resort’, in favour of a post-conception contra-genesis, where that genesis is deemed to begin with the first breath.
It is perhaps worth noting that in Scripture both the Hebrew word ‘ruach’ and the Greek word πνεῦμα (‘pneuma’) are used interchangeably for both ‘breath’ and ‘spirit’, and that certain passages draw out the correspondence between the Spirit of God and the human spirit (eg 1Cor 2:10-12). There is, however, no scriptural, scientific, moral or ethical justification for the increasingly pervasive assertion that if the ‘foetus’ has not breathed, it has not lived.
This belief has led to such appallingly barbaric practices as ‘partial birth abortion’, which George W Bush found so abhorrent he set an example to the Western World by outlawing.
Even the architect of the 1967 Act, former Liberal leader Lord Steel
, has said that abortions are being used as a form of contraception. He admitted he never anticipated ‘anything like’ the current number of terminations when leading the campaign for reform. He is not, however, remotely repentant, insisting that he is ‘not convinced’ of the case for a lowering of the maximum time limit.
But to talk of abortion on demand in the UK hardly does the prevalence justice. Setting aside Europe, which constitutes an unimaginable slaughter of meta-Sho’ah proportions, 200,000 abortions in England and Wales works out at 23 babies systematically killed every hour. If one factors in Scotland and Northern Ireland, the NHS terminates the life of a baby and cremates the body every two minutes, 24 hours a day, seven days a week. Or, put another way, the state legitimises the murder of a baby every single minute of a working day, and burns the evidence. Such a callous, systematic and efficient slaughter would leave even Hitler and Eichmann impressed. Indeed, having mentioned the altar of Molech, it is interesting to note that the term ‘holocaust’ is derived from the Greek holókauston, which referred to a completely (‘holos’) burnt (‘kaustos’) sacrificial offering to a god. That god is sex. The Western world is obsessed with it.
And now, with the development of drugs to do-it-yourself at home, these figures are quite possibly the last accurate snap-shot we shall be able to take. It is even more scandalous that it is the British taxpayer who pays for 80 per cent of abortions, and that the NHS spends a fortune on keeping premature babies alive which are born within the abortion time limit, but terminates far more viable babies (L. vita
life). And the BMA wants to see even further deregulation, and are apparently supported by majority public opinion
. They advocate that nurses and midwives should be able to carry out abortions. They also want to scrap the two-signature doctor requirement (- have they learnt nothing from the Harold Shipman case?), and to repeal the ruling that women may have an abortion only if it is in the best interests of their physical and mental health. Even more bizarrely, they also want to end the requirement that abortions may take place only in licensed clinics, opening up a free-for-all for a plethora of enterprising Vera Drakes.
It is unacceptable that Parliament should decide that it is acceptable to undertake scientific enquiry in the absence of ethical considerations. Cranmer accords with the Archbishop of Canterbury that we need to return to the 1967 default position that abortion is a profoundly undesirable thing, and that a universal presumption of care for the foetus from the moment of conception should be the norm. Since the age is obsessed with ‘rights’ – of man, woman and animal – there needs to be a codification of 'foetal rights'. It is, as the Archbishop states, ironic that ‘the pregnant woman who smokes or drinks heavily is widely regarded as guilty of infringing the rights of her unborn child; yet at the same time, with no apparent sense of incongruity, there is discussion of the possibility of the liberty of the pregnant woman herself to perform the actions that will terminate a pregnancy’.
This calls for tough decisions, since no solution is without cost. The nation cries out for a latter-day Shaftsbury or Wilberforce who will bang on about this in Parliament ad nauseam
, day after day, week after week, until something is done about it. Or are all Members now so utterly subject to the Whips; poodles before the rottweilers; selected, micro-managed, and programmed to remain ‘on message’, and not to alienate any possible voting constituency?
Of course, if people were not so fickle, feckless, immoral and irresponsible, there would be no need for abortion at all. But if it were not available ‘on tap’, would not people be obliged to alter their behaviour?